世界在破晓的瞬间前埋葬于深渊的黑暗
Sunday, September 23, 2007
杨乃文 -- 女爵
Saturday, September 22, 2007
Bill Maher New Rules 22 September 2007
Stephen Colbert At The White House Correspondence Dinner (2006)
Part I
Part II
Friday, September 21, 2007
我和新谣的擦肩而过
老实说,我在新谣活动的巅峰时期(80年代)时还在读小学。小时候比较迟开窍,对于周遭许多事物都比较懵 懂和没有自己的主见,处于被动的状态。对于音乐的喜好也如此,基本上是学校里的老师在上音乐课时给我们唱什么歌,我就喜欢上什么歌曲。记忆中小学所教的都 是一些爱国歌曲,老师们义务性地教,我就非常亢奋和努力地唱。现在回想起来,当然觉得自己有些傻。或许这是因为自己在长大后就无法找回童年时的那种单纯的 性格了吧。不过,现在如果要我唱出这些爱国歌曲,我几乎还是可以一字不漏地把它哼出。
我在家里也没什么机会接触所谓的新谣,原因是父亲所听的歌曲都尽是一些台湾的流行歌曲,如余天、文章,费玉清、龙飘飘和凤飞飞等歌手。要不然就 是些庸俗得可以的福建歌曲,那是母亲最喜欢听的。除了爱国歌曲外,我在小学时所熟悉的歌曲就是余天的《榕树下》和文章的《三百六十五里路》。
我在中学时跟其他90%的学生一样,所听的歌曲就是台湾和香港的罐头流行歌曲。什么四大天王啊、四小天王啊等等。真正接触所谓本地歌手(和在某 种程度上所谓的本地创作)时,是通过陈洁仪、许美静、田径等歌手。不过,如果把所谓‘本地歌手’的头衔拿掉的话,会发现这些音乐其实跟当时流行歌坛所流行 的歌曲没什么两样。虽然在收音机听到这些歌曲时会感到一些自豪,不过却也只是因为身为一个新加坡人的爱国表现罢了。大概在潜意识还是受到了小时候被灌输的 爱国歌曲的影响。
真正对音乐的开窍(或者也可以说是对人生的开窍吧)是在自己高中的时候。那时比较有选择性地听歌了,例如黄舒竣、罗大佑、陈升、崔建、陈珊妮等 歌手的歌曲。记得是在听了罗大佑的《之乎者也》那张专辑吧。我跟一位对音乐的要求也很高的朋友说,为什么台湾能够出一个罗大佑,能够写出像《鹿港小镇》和 《乡愁四韵》等歌曲,而我们新加坡就没有呢?朋友听到了我的话之后,只是惊讶地看着我,一副不可思议的样子,仿佛我是从另一个星球来的人。他在隔天把一张 卡带交给我,叫我回家去听听。那是他好心帮我录制的卡带,也是我首次接触新谣歌曲。我在听了黄宏墨的《野人的梦》,梁文福的《新加坡派》、《细水长流》、 《红豆词2000》等歌曲后,才知道本地原来也有让人值得骄傲的一群人写过了许多引人深思的歌曲。虽然是后知后觉(所谓的新谣在我高中时已经被商业挂帅的 歌曲取代了),不过套一句老套的话吧,better late than never。就好像是一壶美酒一样,如果不打开的话就无法闻到它的味道,不过要是打开了,所散发出来的醇香一定能够摄动人心。绝对不会有人说它是糟糕和无 味的。我对的新谣的印象大概就是这样吧。
我是和整个新谣时期的歌曲擦肩而过,不过我并没有任何遗憾,也不会觉得这样不好,至少我是在思想开窍后接触它们。如果以小学事懵懂的心态接触它 们的话,我大概无法真正地欣赏吧。就好像海明威的《老人与海》这本书,中学上文学课时被迫读它,只是觉得无聊透顶。现在重新读过,才了解何谓文学的大师。 或者可以换个角度来看吧。我是错过了新谣,不过新谣却没有错过了我。时光是最苛刻的裁判,如果某些东西在岁月的筛选后还能够保留下来,那这东西一定是有所 价值的。或许只是我个人的看法和偏见罢了吧,不过我认为新谣已经通过时光的考验了。
Who Said Racism Died In The United States?
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Protesters highlight US race row
Thousands of civil rights protesters have held a march in the small US town of Jena, Louisiana, against what they say is continuing racism in the state.
The march was in support of six black teenagers charged with attempted murder after the beating of a white classmate.
All but one of the six have since had their charges reduced to assault. On the day of the march a court ordered a hearing into the sixth man's detention.
The alleged attack followed incidents between school pupils in summer.
In one incident, three nooses were hung from a tree after a black student had asked whether he was allowed to sit in the shade, an area where white students traditionally congregated.
Thousands of activists dressed in black converged on Jena, gathering at the local courthouse and marching along the main streets.
Protesters arrived in buses and cars from cities as far away as New York, Atlanta and Los Angeles.
"I came because enough is enough. I am tired of the way the courts have been treating African-Americans historically", Doug Martin, a computer analyst from New Orleans, told Reuters news agency.
Speaking ahead of the march, civil rights campaigner Rev Al Sharpton said: "This is the most blatant example of disparity in the justice system that we've seen.
"You can't have two standards of justice. We didn't bring race in it, those that hung the nooses brought the race into it."
District Attorney Reed Walters said on Wednesday: "It is not and never has been about race. It is about finding justice for an innocent victim and holding people accountable for their actions."
Dangling nooses
The white teenage victim was beaten unconscious and had a badly swollen face, but was able to attend a school event the same evening.
One of the accused, Mychal Bell, was found guilty of second degree battery in June by an all-white jury before the case was overturned by an appeal court.
The court said Mr Bell, 16 at the time of the alleged incident in December 2006, should not have been tried as an adult.
Five others who face reduced charges of assault have yet to be tried.
A string of incidents between pupils had began the previous summer.
At that time, a black student had asked the school's principal whether he was permitted to sit under the shade of the school courtyard tree, where white students traditionally congregated. He was told he could sit where he liked.
The following morning, when the students arrived at school, they found three nooses dangling from the tree.
The school's head recommended the noose-hangers be expelled, but the governing board overruled him and the three white student perpetrators were briefly suspended.
Mr Walters said the white students were not prosecuted because he could find no state law under which to charge them.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/7004975.stm
Published: 2007/09/21 00:47:30 GMT
© BBC MMVII
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Stealth racism' stalks deep South
By Tom Mangold, Louisiana
This World investigates the rise of discrimination in America's deep south as six black youths are charged with an alleged attack on a white student, which could see them jailed for up to 50 years.
Three rope nooses hanging from a tree in the courtyard of a school in a small Southern town in Louisiana have sparked fears of a new kind of "stealth" racism spreading through America's deep south.
Although this sinister episode happened last August, the repercussions have been extensive and today the town of Jena finds itself facing the unwelcome glare of national and international publicity.
Jena has a mixed community, 85% white, 12% black.
The bad old days of the "Mississippi Burning" 60s, civil liberties and race riots, lynchings, the KKK and police with billy clubs beating up blacks might have ended.
But in the year that the first serious black candidate for the White House, Barak Obama, is helping unite the races in the north, the developments in the tiny town of Jena are disturbing.
Nooses in the playground
It all began at Jena High School last summer when a black student, Kenneth Purvis, asked the school's principal whether he was permitted to sit under the shade of the school courtyard tree, a place traditionally reserved for white students only. He was told he could sit where he liked.
The following morning, when the students arrived at school, they found three nooses dangling from the tree.
Most whites in Jena dismissed it as a tasteless prank, but the minority black community identified the gesture as something far more vicious.
"It meant the KKK, it meant 'niggers we're going to kill you, we're gonna hang you 'til you die'," said Caseptla Bailey, one of the black community leaders.
Old racial fault lines in Jena began to fracture the town. It was made worse when - despite the school head recommending the noose-hangers be expelled - the board overruled him and the three white student perpetrators merely received a slap on the wrist.
Troubled community
Billy Doughty, the local barber, has never cut a black man's hair. But he does not think there is a racism problem in Jena.
Caseptla Bailey who is 56 and a former Air Force officer, has a degree in business management, but she cannot get a job as a bank teller. She lives in an area called Ward 10, which is where the majority of blacks live in trailers or wooden shacks. She says no whites live there at all.
"We want to live better, we want better housing." she says. "The Church says we should all be brothers and sisters in Christ".
Yet Sunday morning is perhaps one of the most segregated times in all of America. In the white neighbourhood, Pastor Dominick DiCarlo has only one black member of the Church, out of 450 resident members.
Race-related fights
As racial tension grew last autumn and winter, there were race-related fights between teenagers in town. On 4 December, racial tension boiled over once more at the school when a white student, Justin Barker, was attacked by a small group of black students.
He fell to the ground and hit his head on the concrete, suffering bruising and concussion.
He was treated at the local hospital and released, and that same evening felt able to put in an appearance at a school function.
District Attorney Reed Walters, to the astonishment of the black community, has upgraded the charges of Mr Barker's alleged attackers to conspiracy to commit second degree murder and attempted second degree murder. If convicted they could be 50 before they leave prison.
Mr Walters has refused to give an on-the-record interview to the BBC about his decision on the charges.
Mr Barker has since been charged with possessing a firearm in an arms-free zone (the school grounds).
The six black students will face a hearing next month. One of them is Caseptla Bailey's son Robert, who originally had his bail set at an unaffordable $138,000 (£69,495).
She had to hire a private lawyer who managed to get Robert's bail reduced to $84,000 (£42,285) so that her family could meet it.
Michelle Jones' brother Carwyn is one of the boys charged. She is adamant that he will not get a fair trial in Jena.
"If he's tried here, the jury will pick who they want. I have no doubt that they will convict those boys of attempted second degree murder."
When they do eventually file into court, many observers believe it is the town of Jena which will really be on trial.
Regina Spektor -- Fidelity
Cat Power -- The Greatest
A Checklist For Fascism
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Fascism Anyone?
By Laurence W. Britt, Free Inquiry Magazine, Vol 22 no 2, [15 July 2003]
Free Inquiry readers may pause to read the Affirmations of Humanism: A Statement of Principles on the inside cover of the magazine. To a secular humanist, these principles seem so logical, so right, so crucial. Yet, there is one archetypal political philosophy that is anathema to almost all of these principles. It is fascism. And fascism's principles are wafting in the air today, surreptitiously masquerading as something else, challenging everything we stand for. The cliché that people and nations learn from history is not only overused, but also overestimated; often we fail to learn from history, or draw the wrong conclusions. Sadly, historical amnesia is the norm.
We are two-and-a-half generations removed from the horrors of Nazi Germany, although constant reminders jog the consciousness. German and Italian fascism form the historical models that define this twisted political worldview. Although they no longer exist, this world view and the characteristics of these models have been imitated by protofascist1 regimes at various times in the twentieth century. Both the original German and Italian models and the later protofascist regimes show remarkably similar characteristics. Although many scholars question any direct connection among these regimes, few can dispute their visual similarities.
Beyond the visual, even a cursory study of these fascist and protofascist regimes reveals the absolutely striking convergence of their modus operandi. This, of course, is not a revelation to the informed political observer, but it is sometimes useful in the interests of perspective to restate obvious facts and in so doing shed needed light on current circumstances.
For the purpose of this perspective, I will consider the following regimes: Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Francos Spain, Salazars Portugal, Papadopouloss Greece, Pinochets Chile, and Suhartos Indonesia. To be sure, they constitute a mixed bag of national identities, cultures, developmental levels, and history. But they all followed the fascist or protofascist model in obtaining, expanding, and maintaining power. Further, all these regimes have been overthrown, so a more or less complete picture of their basic characteristics and abuses is possible.
Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link them in recognizable patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These basic characteristics are more prevalent and intense in some regimes than in others, but they all share at least some level of similarity.
1. Powerful and continuing expressions of nationalism.
From the prominent displays of flags and bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the fervor to show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself and of citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious. Catchy slogans, pride in the military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often bordered on xenophobia.
2. Disdain for the importance of human rights.
The regimes themselves viewed human rights as of little value and a hindrance to realizing the objectives of the ruling elite. Through clever use of propaganda, the population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.
3. Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause.
The most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as a means to divert the peoples attention from other problems, to shift blame for failures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions. The methods of choice relentless propaganda and disinformation were usually effective. Often the regimes would incite spontaneous acts against the target scapegoats, usually communists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic and racial minorities, traditional national enemies, members of other religions, secularists, homosexuals, and terrorists. Active opponents of these regimes were inevitably labeled as terrorists and dealt with accordingly.
4. The supremacy of the military/avid militarism.
Ruling elites always identified closely with the military and the industrial infrastructure that supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was seen as an expression of nationalism, and was used whenever possible to assert national goals, intimidate other nations, and increase the power and prestige of the ruling elite.
5. Rampant sexism.
Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the national culture were male-dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion and also homophobic. These attitudes were usually codified in Draconian laws that enjoyed strong support by the orthodox religion of the country, thus lending the regime cover for its abuses.
6. A controlled mass media.
Under some of the regimes, the mass media were under strict direct control and could be relied upon never to stray from the party line. Other regimes exercised more subtle power to ensure media orthodoxy. Methods included the control of licensing and access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and implied threats. The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the power elite. The result was usually success in keeping the general public unaware of the regimes excesses.
7. Obsession with national security.
Inevitably, a national security apparatus was under direct control of the ruling elite. It was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond any constraints. Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting national security, and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even treasonous.
8. Religion and ruling elite tied together.
Unlike communist regimes, the fascist and protofascist regimes were never proclaimed as godless by their opponents. In fact, most of the regimes attached themselves to the predominant religion of the country and chose to portray themselves as militant defenders of that religion. The fact that the ruling elites behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally swept under the rug.
Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders of the faith and opponents of the godless. A perception was manufactured that opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on religion.
9. Power of corporations protected.
Although the personal life of ordinary citizens was under strict control, the ability of large corporations to operate in relative freedom was not compromised. The ruling elite saw the corporate structure as a way to not only ensure military production (in developed states), but also as an additional means of social control. Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of have-not citizens.
10. Power of labor suppressed or eliminated.
Since organized labor was seen as the one power center that could challenge the political hegemony of the ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably crushed or made powerless. The poor formed an underclass, viewed with suspicion or outright contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a vice.
11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts.
Intellectuals and the inherent freedom of ideas and expression associated with them were anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were considered subversive to national security and the patriotic ideal.
Universities were tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, or crushed. To these regimes, art and literature should serve the national interest or they had no right to exist.
12. Obsession with crime and punishment.
Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations. The police were often glorified and had almost unchecked power, leading to rampant abuse. Normal and political crime were often merged into trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents of the regime. Fear, and hatred, of criminals or traitors was often promoted among the population as an excuse for more police power.
13. Rampant cronyism and corruption.
Those in business circles and close to the power elite often used their position to enrich themselves. This corruption worked both ways; the power elite would receive financial gifts and property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of government favoritism. Members of the power elite were in a position to obtain vast wealth from other sources as well: for example, by stealing national resources. With the national security apparatus under control and the media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained and not well understood by the general population.
14. Fraudulent elections.
Elections in the form of plebiscites or public opinion polls were usually bogus. When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired result. Common methods included maintaining control of the election machinery, intimidating an disenfranchising opposition voters, destroying or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a judiciary beholden to the power elite.
Does any of this ring alarm bells? Of course not. After all, this is America, officially a democracy with the rule of law, a constitution, a free press, honest elections, and a well-informed public constantly being put on guard against evils. Historical comparisons like these are just exercises in verbal gymnastics. Maybe, maybe not.
When facism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the American flag.
- Huey Long
Thursday, September 20, 2007
WTF is Giuliani talking about?
Er... so Mr Giuluani wants Singapore to join NATO so that we can start a fake war (like his party did in Iraq) and deplete our resources like the US of A is doing now?
Geesh, I wondered why the ST ran this story... have a hunch that their editors might be pro-Republican (e.g. conservative, hawkish and generally intolerant of any liberal or civic ideology...)....
No wonder when the Iraq war started, there were a lot of f**king Singaporeans, who when interviewed by the ST, thinks that it was a good idea and George Bush is a great president.
No shit, really.
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Sep 20, 2007
Giuliani says Nato should admit Singapore
LONDON - REPUBLICAN presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani urged Nato to admit Australia, India, Israel, Japan and Singapore on Wednesday as part of proposals to combat Islamic extremism.
Speaking to a US-British conservative group in London, Mr Giuliani said Britain and the United States must stand side-by-side in tackling Islamic terrorism.
'This is no time for defeatism and appeasement,' he said.
Among his proposals for the United States and Britain to take the lead in the fight against Islamic extremism, Mr Giuliani urged the two countries to push for an expansion of Nato into a global body.
'We should open the organisation's membership to any willing state that meets basic standards of good governance, military readiness (and) global responsibility, regardless of location,' he said.
'I think we should consider countries such as Australia, Singapore, India, Israel, Japan ... and there are probably a whole group of others that we could put on that list,' he said.
The defence alliance has expanded in recent years but its current membership is 26 countries in North America and Europe. -- REUTERS
Islam Versus Christianity
The Smiths -- This Charming Man
This song is from their first album, titled The Smiths. And if you are wondering, yes, I think Morrissey (the lead singer) is gay (though he has never 'came out'). But what a voice. I remembered talking with one of my friend about The Smiths, and one of the reasons we thought they were so successful was because the amalgamation of two unlikely elements: the rock-and-roll guitar riffs of John Marr, and the opera-sque voice of Morrissey. Agree?
Wednesday, September 19, 2007
潘多拉的背影
(刊登于联合早报2007年9月18日)
我从你潘多拉式的背影预言这行字的流浪
就在你骄傲的步伐拒绝与这座城市寂寞探戈
任性如影随形我尴尬尾随总是慢半拍的脚步
浓缩熙攘街景是幸福迷途中我蹒跚踉跄的南瓜马车
是你披肩华丽礼服随着璀璨玻璃鞋节奏的伴舞
城市在窗外漫步经心于你和自己的思慕交接
从脚底传来规律震动对照着彼此间暧昧不已的位置
倒影如同悲剧电影里男主角沉迷的未知导引
从宿命的角度渐渐看清彼此相对又不平衡的距离
分隔彼此的宇宙同时只是分隔我和你的任性奢侈
我跟随某人凝视的方向只看到虚实重叠的背影
仿佛你从窗面模糊倒影仍然冷淡回避某人寻觅的眼神
乱光浮影于失望瞳孔彩绘着印象派风格的绝望影子
子夜抛弃昨日美好时光缝隙里擦身而过的细腻拥抱
我要如何从哀悼年逝的烟火过渡到你梦想实现的未来
雨点燃着绽放的释怀只听到交错着远处众人倒数回音
如同子夜钟声敲响现实的某句通俗歌词于瞬间静止
轨迹改变角度交错寂寞城市又再探戈
天空闪过灿烂花火和你不再为爱奔波
我已经能预见若干年后回首此段往事
此时此刻微光般从被封锁未来的门缝露出
回忆里不断重播的曲子却只剩下和你不再的片段
是某种沉重概念就如同和承诺相反的宇宙
就如同紧跟着潘多拉式背影的南瓜马车
在还原瞬间遥望渐行渐远中轻盈起舞的玻璃鞋
仿佛闭上眼就能看见微笑表情闪烁着希望
仿佛就能够稍微忘却瘫痪自我的流浪
仿佛就能相信自己就是此童话故事的主角
注:“轨迹改变角度交错/寂寞城市又再探戈/天空闪过灿烂花火/和你不再为爱奔波”来自陈奕迅歌曲《十面埋伏》,黄伟文词。
Tuesday, September 18, 2007
Corrinne May -- Fly Away
Monday, September 17, 2007
Fake Nuns for a Fake Institution
But come to think of it, isn't this the modus operandi of all religions? My faith is the one true faith and yours is not. My god is the real one and not yours. My god is much better than yours. Just because you put form an official institution and legalize your faith doesn't make it less absurd.
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This time, more nuns
Fake monks and nuns trying their luck once again, two months after last crackdown
By Teh Joo Lin and Edwin Koo & Desmond Lim
THE same religious robes. The same unholy abode. The bogus monks and nuns are back at the same game.
Less than two months after 50 of them left Singapore in a hurry following police checks at their Geylang transit hotel, a smaller and sneakier squad has moved in.
One of them, a 61-year-old Thai woman, was arrested yesterday morning in Bedok following a Sunday Times tip- off to the police.
The first sign that they were back came from an SMS to this newspaper on Aug 22 from a man who works in the red-light district where they stayed.
Then, reader Winnie Wan spotted a 'monk' outside a supermarket in Tampines Street 43.
'He seemed nervous and jittery and he was eyeing me. He saw me and scuttled...maybe I looked official,' she said in an e-mail message.
The team, apparently all Thais, has been whittled down to a dozen, mainly female.
From about 6am, saffron-robed men with shaven heads and white-robed women would start streaming out of their lodging house in Geylang Lorong 28.
They did not emerge in a group as was the case the last time, but one at a time at irregular intervals.
Their destinations were the same, though: They boarded buses bound for places such as Eunos, Bedok and Tampines.
But while in the past they made a beeline for the food centres upon alighting and whipped out their alms bowls to patrons, this time, they were on high alert.
The Sunday Times team boarded the same bus as one 'nun' and trailed her as she got off outside Eunos MRT station on Thursday.
She did not home in directly on her primary target - the food centre at Block 4A Eunos Crescent.
Instead, she meandered through the HDB blocks, stopping at various points before crossing over to the food centre.
This 'nun' worked the tables the same way previous batches did - she took out her alms bowl from a white bag and held it out to patrons with a sage smile, never uttering a word.
When she was waved away, she moved on without any fuss.
Minutes later, she was on another bus heading for Hougang, where she made the rounds at another food centre and some coffee shops.
While the 'monks' The Sunday Times interviewed in July claimed they earned at least $20 to $30 a day, it is not clear how rich the pickings were this time.
Patrons at the food centre at Block 216, Bedok North Street 1, where the 61-year-old woman was begging, told The Sunday Times they knew the nuns were imposters.
Retiree Wong Liang Yong, 67, said: 'We know they are fake. When you ignore them, they just move away very quickly.'
The Singapore Buddhist Federation's Venerable Sek Kwang Phing said the bogus nuns' costumes do not even look authentic.
Mr Sebastian Wong, president of Palelai Buddhist Temple, explained that a genuine nun's habit includes a shoulder sash. Plus, real nuns shave their heads and eyebrows.
Men and women of the cloth also never ask for money.
When a Palelai temple monk collects alms, he uses a towel to cover the bowl. It is only when people approach to give food that the monk draws back the cloth.
'There is no asking for anything - monks are not beggars,' Mr Wong said.
Venerable Kwang Phing reckons that such bogus monks and nuns have been flocking here for six or seven years.
The Royal Thai Embassy expressed disappointment that the bogus monks and nuns were still preying on 'innocent and generous Singaporeans'.
Its spokesman urged people who knew of their whereabouts to report them to the police.
The embassy, too, 'would do all that is possible on our part to bring this to an end'.
Police have arrested some bogus monks and nuns in the past, and fined them. In 2004, a fake Chinese monk was caught when he approached a plainclothes policeman for donations to build a temple. He was fined $1,000.
According to the law, anyone who collects alms or solicits charitable donations under false pretences can be fined up to $2,000, or jailed up to three months, or both.
But some lawyers feel there is a limit to what the police can do based on the law, even when people are clearly masquerading as monks and nuns.
Lawyer Chandra Mohan said: 'If they are not caught in the act, there may not be enough evidence and it will be difficult to prosecute.'
This was likely the case in July, when the police visited the Geylang hotel but 'did not note any offence'. The occupants were advised that begging for money without a licence was an offence.
Making the police's job tougher is that the bogus monks appear to be controlled by slickly operated syndicates.
The Venerable Phramaha Rian Manone-Yang, honorary secretary of the Thai Buddhist Temple in Singapore, said previously that the syndicates were based in Johor in Malaysia and Hat Yai in southern Thailand.
The gang leaders work closely with their partners in Singapore, who pocket 30 per cent of their collections, he said.
Mr Wong agreed. 'Some locals are involved in organising these people. They know where to go, where to stay and they have a schedule of hawker centres to go to,' he said.
As long as Singaporeans continue to 'feed them money', they will continue to come, he added. So public education is key.
The remaining 11 'monks' and 'nuns' last night appeared to have been thrown into a tizzy after their 'sister' failed to return.
If the 61-year-old returns to the hotel, it would be to collect her luggage. The police said they have referred her to the Immigration & Checkpoints Authority for action.
It is likely that she will be repatriated and barred from entering Singapore for some time.
When The Sunday Times approached the hotel staff last night, they said they were unaware of what business the 'monks' and 'nuns' were up to, or the purpose of their visit to Singapore.
'They just rent the rooms from us at standard rates,' a woman said.
Bill Maher New Rules 14 September 2007
墙
“对不起, 我们不能越过这座矮墙,必须绕道而行。”
我仔细地观察着站在我面前的这位老人的脸,并且暗自在脑海里分析他刚才所说的话。他是在开玩笑吧?或许这是乡下人独特的幽默感也说不定。还是他患了老年痴呆症?天啊,我可是要在这个地方居住半个月以上的。如果招待我的这位老人是痴呆的话,那我这次来乡下散心的计划不是会泡汤了吗?
“可是这座矮墙只是略微比我的膝盖高一些,连腰部都不到,只要一个大脚步就可以跨过去了吧?我想没必要绕道而行吧?看!这座矮墙的长度大约有一百米左右,如果绕道的话,必须走多几分钟的路程哦。别这样嘛,我这个城市人没有老先生您这么健壮,走太多路可是会累的哦。”我虽然尽量保持着微笑,不过语气却背叛了自己的不满。
“我知道。可是我们这一带的人都不会跨过这道墙的,这是这一区不成文的规矩。每个人如果要经过这个地方,就得绕着这座墙的周围走,在任何情况下都不可以跨过去。”老人慢条斯理地说。他不把我的不满当成一回事。或许他已经习惯外地人对这个莫名其妙的规矩表示不满了吧。
“这真是个奇怪的规矩啊。”我讽刺地说。
“对,不过我们这里的人都是守规矩的啊。我的父亲曾经告诉我说,曾有一位住在那座空房子……喏,就是在树林旁边那座破旧不堪的老屋,那里曾经住了一位很固执的人。大家都劝他不要跨过这座矮墙,他却把大家的话当耳边风。结果他就在隔天被雷电击毙。我们这一带是鲜少有打雷闪电的,所以大家都说那个人是因为违反了不成文的规矩而被击毙。“老人摸着腮下雪白的胡子说。虽然他的语气温和,不过我却可以感觉他态度坚决。如果我硬要不理会他的劝告而跨过这道矮墙的话,我想一番激烈的争吵是在所难免的。我心里暗自盘算,我在未来的两个星期可是要待在这位老人的家,假若现在和他发生争执,接下来的日子并不是会非常难过吗?因此,尽管我百般不愿意,我还是忍住了满肚子的牢骚和怨言,乖乖地沿着矮墙的周围走。太阳的酷热毫不饶人,好像千万只隐形的蚊子一直叮着我的汗腺。我感觉到汗水从脸颊上滑下,滴到我所穿得衬衫的衣领上。我在距离不远的草地上看见一位牧童正把温驯的羊儿赶进栅栏里。聚集在一起奔跑的绵羊就好像一块又大又白的棉花糖一样,因为被风吹落而在绿色的草地上打滚。我一边看着那群绵羊,一边默默地跟随着那位老人沿着矮墙走。老人步行的速度非常一致,不会因为有下斜坡的地方而突然加快脚步,也不会因为走了一段路后而渐渐放慢脚步。他步行的节奏就如同那种大教堂里的时钟的钟摆一样滴答滴答有规律。
老人的屋子离矮墙大约有半公里左右。那是一间不怎么样的屋子,设计朴素的单层楼屋子。大概是因为疏于保养的关系,所以有一点破旧。不过,这却让人看了有点舒服的感觉,大概因为乡下的房子都应该看起来有些破旧的感觉吧。老人把我带到了为我准备的房间去。那是一间即小又阴暗的房间,除了一张单人床、一个又小又旧的书桌和一个木制的衣柜外,房间里就没有其他的摆设了。这算是为了让来自都市的客人可以亲身体验乡下的生活而故意如此安排的吗?或者是因为住宿费收得比较低,所以就反应在住宿的素质上?不过,至少地方看起来还是非常干净,可见主人有细心打扫。我向老人点了点头,示意自己对房间感到满意。他在看到我对住宿没有意见后,便带着微笑离去,回到了这房子的客厅去。老人告辞后,我便开始整理自己的行李,把需要的日常用品拿出来。由于长途跋涉,因此我在整理了行李后便小憩一会儿。
老人在傍晚大约六点钟时把我叫醒来吃晚饭。我揉着惺忪的眼睛走到饭厅。晚餐是简单的马林薯、炒蛋和香肠,并不怎么丰富,不过要添饱肚子还算可以。也不知道是因为乡下人吃得比较慢,还是因为久居城市的我已经习惯快速地进食了,我把自己盘上的食物吃完时,老人和他的妻子的盘上还装满着食物。他们就连盘子里一半的食物都还没有吃完。由于我有在吃饭后散步的习惯,因此我就以自己想乘着太阳下山前到外头四处走走为理由而起身告辞。
“那你就得尽快去了。太阳即将下山了。在我们这里,太阳一下山整个世界就会变得漆黑了。你又认识地不熟,我看你最最好代一盏手电筒比较好。” 老人一边嘴里咀嚼着食物,一边对我说。
我听从了老人的劝告,在出门前顺手从自己的行李里拿出了手电筒。正如他所说的一样,我还没走多久,太阳就好像迫不及待放工的生产线工人一样躲入地平线下。四周围顿时变得一片漆黑,如同照亮整个世界的灯光的保险丝突然烧坏了。
我点燃了一根香烟。
我手握着手电筒,继续沿着前些时候走过来老人的家的小道往车站的方向走回去。我想走到先前下车时在车站稍微前一些的路口所看到的一间酒吧去,到那里去喝几杯。在这个寒风刺骨的乡下,威斯忌应该是可以暖和身体的最佳良药吧。
当我走到矮墙时,我仍在想象着威斯忌会如何使我的身体暖和起来。
我用手电筒照向矮墙的尾端,不过手电筒的力量并没有这么大,只照到了离我几米外的空间。尽管如此,我想从此处走到矮墙的尾端应该至少有百米左右,就如同白天的情况一样。虽然老人的忠告就好像破旧的老唱机因为跳针出现问题而一只重复着同一句歌词一样在我的脑海中重复地播放着,不过在寒风彻骨的此时要绕过这座矮墙走到另一边去,似乎是件荒谬的事。何止荒谬,仔细想想的话,简直就像是只有一个精神有问题的人才会做的事。我继续抽着手中的那根烟,并且凝视着手中那零丁的烟火,仿佛是一只停留在我手指上的萤火虫。月亮不知道何时从遮蔽它的乌云中挣扎出来,银色的月光照耀在夜晚的绿色草地上,仿佛把整片草地也漆成一片银色的海洋。我一动也不动地站在原地,凝望着矮墙和我的前方的景色。寒风继续刺骨地吹,我可以听得见自己急促的呼吸声。
我跨过了矮墙。
酒吧大概还有两公里的路程吧。我继续往酒吧的方向慢慢地走去,并且带着些罪恶感般地四处张望,以确保没有人看到我偷偷跨过矮墙的行为。手中的烟已经快燃烬了。我深深地吸了最后一口,然后把烟蒂随手抛掉,看着它好像萤火虫一样从我手指中飞出去。或许是因为快接近酒吧的关系,我带着愉快的心情哼着一首熟悉的曲子。从不远的地方,我听见蟋蟀的声音清晰地传了过来。
Sunday, September 16, 2007
Monty Python Flying Circus -- Philosophy International
I really laughed out aloud at this sketch...
Saturday, September 15, 2007
Feist -- 1234
Anyway, this song is used in the latest Apple's commercial for their ipod nano... but that is of course not where I heard the song from.
Friday, September 14, 2007
Chng Ngo Peng -- The Last Moment
the last moment
music: chng ngo peng
lyrics: tan wah pheow
the night is still young
and daylight seems so faraway
will i get to see sunrise
as my life slowly ebbs away
the voices in my head
telling me to be strong and brave
they say life is beautiful
but i'm still living in decay
the demons from within
the evils from without
they take my soul and they leave me cold
they take my faith and they give me hate
my struggles from within
they never bring me peace
i need a place where i can run free
i need a self which i can love with
the stars shines so bright
are they going to take me away
will i get to paradise
or will i forever fade away
my heart pounds weakly
as i draw my dying breathe
the night is still young
and daylight seems so far away
Force Vomit -- Spacemen Over Malaysia
Thursday, September 13, 2007
Monty Python -- The Spanish Inquisition
This is one of my favorite sketch of all time, The Spanish Inquisition, because it makes fun of religion (I think... haha).
Wednesday, September 12, 2007
陈升 -- 丽江的春天
A simple riff, simple song. Reminds me of the song Pi somehow.
Tuesday, September 11, 2007
Jens Lekman -- At the Department of Forgotten Songs
Atheism and Medical Care
=======================================================================
Atheist doctors more likely to care for the poor than religious ones
Atheist doctors are likely to practice medicine among the underprivileged than religious physicians, even though most religions call on the faithful to serve the poor, according to the results of large cross-sectional survey of US medical practitioners published in Annals of Family Medicine.
Researchers from the University of Chicago and Yale New Haven Hospital report that 31 percent of physicians who were more religious—as measured by "intrinsic religiosity" as well as frequency of attendance at religious services—practiced among the underserved, compared to 35 percent of physicians who described their religion as atheist, agnostic or none.
"This came as both a surprise and a disappointment," study author Farr Curlin, MD, said. "The Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu and Buddhist scriptures all urge physicians to care for the poor, and the great majority of religious physicians describe their practice of medicine as a calling. Yet we found that religious physicians were not more likely to report practice among the underserved than their secular colleagues."
Physicians avoid spending the bulk of their time caring for the poor as it could mean forgoing professional prestige, free time and academic opportunities.
They found that even though they received reduced salaries, decreased support staff and faced constant bureaucratic interference, physicians who care for the underprivileged receive intangible rewards in exchange, such as a sense that they make a difference in society, have a positive impact on the lives of large groups of patients and have aligned their jobs with their altruistic aspirations.
Curlin and colleagues surveyed 1,820 practicing physicians from all specialties of whom 1,144 (63%) responded.
The survey contained questions about what the researchers called intrinsic religiosity—the extent to which individuals embrace their religion as the "master motive that guides and gives meaning to their life."
Researchers asked physicians if they agreed or disagreed with two statements: "I try hard to carry my religious beliefs over into all my other dealings in life," and "My whole approach to life is based on my religion." They were also asked how often they attended religious services.
The survey also included questions about whether the physicians considered medicine a calling, whether their religious beliefs influence their practice of medicine, and whether the family in which they were raised emphasized helping those with few resources.
Physicians who strongly agreed that their religious beliefs influence their practice of medicine were more likely to report practice among the under-served, but, physicians who were more religious in general, as measured by their intrinsic religiosity or their frequency of attending religious services, were not more likely to practice among the under-served.
Even the more religious physicians who reported that their families emphasized service to the poor and that, for them, the practice of medicine was a calling, were no more likely to practice among the poor.
Curlin and colleagues also noted that those who identified themselves as very spiritual, whether or not they were religious, were roughly twice as likely to care for the under-served as those who described their spirituality as low.
"Part of this divergence between religion and spirituality can be traced to a rift between Christian denominations in the late-19th and early-20th centuries," explained Curlin, who describes himself as an orthodox Christian in the Protestant tradition.
According to the author, about a hundred years ago many of the mainline and liberal Protestant churches began "to emphasize efforts to right social injustices, while the more conservative churches tended to stress doctrinal orthodoxy. Research indicates that those who consider themselves spiritual but not so religious are more likely to be formed in the more liberal denominations."
Policy makers and medical educators hoping to increase the physician supply for underserved populations should take these results into account cautiously, the authors recommended.
"No one knows how to select medical students in a way that would actually increase the number of physicians eager to serve the underserved," Curlin said, "but our findings suggest that admissions officials should ignore both the general religiousness of candidates and their professed sense of calling to medicine."

